Political Science 3314
Spring 2006
Exam #3
I. Multiple choice. Fill
in the letter of the correct answer on
your answer sheet. Two points each. (An
asterisk denotes the correct answer)
a.
immediately slash federal spending across the board in order to cut the
deficit.
*b. continue
the “borrow and spend” policies that have produced large deficits.
c. urge a
pullout of forces in
d. increase
taxes overall but cut them for middle-income taxpayers.
2. A “blue slip” is
used to indicate
a. presidential
support for a bill before Congress.
b. censure
or expulsion of a member of Congress.
*c. A
senator’s support for or opposition to a nominee.
d. that a
bill has implications for national security.
3. The original
impetus for the creation of the Department of Homeland Security came
from
*a. members
of Congress.
b.
President Bush.
c. the Blue
Ribbon Commission on Terrorism.
d. Mayor
Giuliani of
4. The term
“Whitewater” refers to
*a. a land
deal in
b. an
apartment building in DC.
c. a
smuggling operation in
d. where
Vince Foster’s body was found.
5. In lecture, Prof.
Walcott criticized the way Binder and Maltzman operationalized which
variable?
a. partisan
forces.
b. temporal
forces.
c.
ideological forces.
*d.
presidential forces.
6. According to Rae
and Campbell, the perspective that “has the most explanatory power” in
telling
us why Senators voted as they did on impeachment is:
*a. Senators
voted along partisan lines.
b. Senators
voted their principles, not their party affiliation.
c. Senators
were trying to protect their reputations with voters.
d. Senators
resented the fact that the House pursued the issue.
7. According to
Loomis and Schiller, the phenomenon of the “legislator as enterprise”
in the
House in recent years has
a. made
legislators ever more self-sufficient and independent.
b. given
interest groups almost complete control over the agenda.
c. resulted
in massive waste and the temptation that produces scandals.
*d. been
subordinated to party loyalty due to increased partisanship.
8. A “House manager”
is
a. a career
employee of the House of Representatives.
b. a member
of the majority party leadership in the House.
c. the
sponsor of a bill under consideration in the House.
*d. a House
member who explains impeachment charges to the Senate.
9. In the final
Senate vote on President Clinton’s impeachment, the Senate could not
muster 2/3
on either charge. The voting outcomes
were:
a.
majorities favoring conviction on both charges.
*b. neither
charge receiving majority support.
c. a
majority supporting the perjury charge but not the obstruction charge.
d. a
majority supporting the obstruction charge but not the perjury charge.
10. One important
legislative result of the crisis of 9/11 was
a. the No
Child Left Behind Act.
b. the
Budget Reconciliation Act of 2001.
*c. the
d. the merger
of the FBI and CIA.
11. Prof. Walcott’s
long-winded and seemingly irrelevant riff on the history of Title IX at
least
had the virtue of illustrating this congressional phenomenon:
*a.
delegated legislation.
b. tactical
filibuster.
c. the role
of the House Rules Committee.
d. the
power of the minority leadership.
II. Short
answer.
Describe or define seven of the following and explain
why each is
important for understanding Congress.
Four points each.
The House Judiciary Committee in 1974 had a
majority of
Democrats, while in 1996 it had a majority of Republicans – in other
words, in
each case a majority was opposed to the president in partisan terms. However, in 1974 both the Democrats and
Republicans had some moderates, including a few who voted most often
with the
opposition. In 1996, the committee was
much more strongly partisan. It also
featured members from safe seats who were hearing strong partisan
messages from
their constituents. The result in 1997
through 1999 was a committee less able to deliberate in the case of
2. Gramm-Kennedy
Plan
With the Senate locked in a partisan battle over procedures
for the Clinton impeachment trial, two highly partisan Senators, Phil
Gramm
(R-TX) and Ted Kennedy (D-MA) got together to propose a compromise. Their plan called for a two-week trial, no
new evidence, written questioning of the two sides by Senators, then a
debate
over whether to call witnesses. If there
were witnesses, they would first be deposed; only after another vote
could they
be brought in to testify live. Each side
made compromises, but the major concession was the Democrats’
willingness to
allow the possibility of witnesses. The
plan was accepted and was viewed as a triumph of bipartisanship and
Senate
civility.
3. ownership
society
Republicans, especially White House political strategist
Karl Rove, have sought to find a way to permanently overturn the legacy
of FDR,
the New Deal, and the “welfare state” through legislation.
That legacy was sustained through relatively
high, progressive taxes and expensive government programs aimed at the
Democrats’ “base.” To counter it,
Republicans have, among other things, tried to pass policies that
encourage
investment and thus dependence more on the success of the private
economy and
less on government. The term often given
for this is the “ownership society.”
These legislative efforts have not always been successful, as in
the
case of individual social security accounts.
4. intermestic
policy areas
The “two presidencies” hypothesis claims that presidents
fare much better in foreign and defense policy than in domestic policy
because
the latter is so controlled by powerful interest groups and vulnerable
to
partisan conflict. In the foreign area,
presidents have more formal powers and, because they are acting on
behalf of
the whole nation, can rise above politics-as-usual.
Thus presidents will, over time, tend to
prefer foreign policy. However, many
“foreign” issues now are simultaneously “domestic” ones as well – like
oil or
immigration. These “intermestic” issues
make foreign policy less attractive because they bring in the interest
group
politics and partisanship.
5. impact
of partisan polarization on judicial
nominations
Partisan polarization has led to greater conflict over
judicial nominations, which in turn has caused (a) the time between
nomination
and confirmation to get longer, and (b) the probability of successful
confirmation to get smaller. This is
true even without divided government, because it only takes 41 votes in
the
Senate to sustain a filibuster or the threat of one.
Senators are also more likely now to turn in
negative blue slips, and Judiciary Committee chairs are less respectful
of
Senatorial courtesy toward opposition party Senators on district court
nominations. The main policy impact has
been to let too many seats go unfilled, producing backlog and the
complaint
that “justice delayed is justice denied.”
6. “legislator
as enterprise”
Loomis and Schiller use this term to describe the fact that
any member of the House or Senate today has both staff and campaign
resources
that are extensive enough to make her or him worthy of being seen as a
small organization. Legislators have
substantial budgets to pay
both personal staff in DC and staffers in their districts or states,
thus
expanding their outreach within Congress and to constituents. Committee chairs have additional staffs
attached to their committees. At the
same time, members have extensive fundraising and campaigning staffs,
funded by
campaign contributions. People can move
back and forth between these staffs.
However, the book points out that partisan polarization has
limited the
importance of all of this because the power and freedom of individual
legislators is somewhat diminished
7. “high
crimes and misdemeanors”
The Constitution lists these beside treason and bribery as
grounds for impeachment. The words are
vague and there exists no definitive definition of the term.
8. deliberation
(in the House during
impeachment)
Deliberation is what the framers of the Constitution hoped
that Congress, especially the Senate, would do in considering
legislation. It is usually understood as
reasoning
together or working together to solve problems.
It can be distinguished from debate, a more oppositional process
–
though the two can also be seen as complementing one another. Rae and Campbell argue that in today’s
polarized Congress, deliberation and debate are basically ritual –
where
partisan voting is the norm, there is little room for genuine
discussion or
persuasion.
9. president
as Chief Legislator
The Constitution gives the president only limited
legislative power – mainly the veto.
However in the 20th century, because of the growth of
government, the demand for central leadership to set the political
agenda
caused presidents to step forward as the main initators of policy. The annual State of the Union message has
become the focal point for presidential proposals.
Additionally, presidents have acquired
resources that aid them in persuading Congress to follow their lead. They can appeal to public opinion, they have
their own lobbyists, and they have partisan ties to members of their
party in
Congress. Many studies find that
presidents have considerable success with Congress, though this is hard
to
measure. Most ultimately conclude that
presidential influences is “at the margins.”
Political Science 3314
Spring 2006
Exam #2
I. Multiple
choice. Fill in the letter of the correct
answer on
your answer sheet. 2 points each.
1. The “king of the
hill” rule determines
a. who
appoints committee chairs in the House.
* b. which of
a series of conflicting amendments will prevail in the House.
c. how the
Speaker is chosen.
d. whether
House or Senate bills will survive conference committee.
2. The period of
greatest subcommittee power in the House occurred between
a. 1946 and
1974.
*b. 1974 and
1980.
c. 1980 and
1994.
d. 1995 and
the present.
3. The period of
“institutionalized pluralism” was also the period of
a. the
Democrats’ “revolution” after Watergate.
b. the
Contract with
c. boss
rule in the late 19th century.
* d. the
“textbook Congress.”
4. When Senate
Majority Leader Bill Frist proposed the “nuclear option,” he was trying
to
*a. prevent
Democrats from filibustering nominations.
b. end an
impasse over the federal budget.
c. warn
d. reduce
the power of Senate committee chairs.
5. Harry Reid is or
was
a. the
Senate Majority Leader.
* b. the
Senate Minority Leader.
c. a former
Senate Majority leader who resigned in the face of scandal.
d. a House
Majority leader during the days of the “textbook Congress.”
6. The Contract with
a. bound
the president and both houses of Congress to the same promises.
b. resulted
in far-reaching changes in the Constitution.
*c. was an
effort to nationalize House elections in 1994.
d. led to
significant internal reform in the Senate.
7. In today’s
Congress, a Southern Democrat is most likely to
a. be
conservative on most issues.
*b. hold
views very similar to a Northern Democrat.
c. be
liberal on economic issues but conservative on social issues.
d. be a
committee chair, due to seniority.
8. The most important
qualification for becoming President Pro Tem of the Senate is
a. to have
been elected vice president of the
*b. to be in
the majority and have seniority.
c. to have
the voting support of a majority of Senators.
d.
to be
someone whom the president is willing to appoint.
9. An important power that the Speaker of the
House has but
the Senate Majority Leader doesn’t have is
a. to invoke
cloture.
b. to
assign bills to committees.
c. to chair
the Appropriations Committee.
*d. to
appoint members to the Rules Committee.
10. The decision not
to let bills come to the floor unless they had majority support within
the
Republican caucus was made by
a. Newt
Gingrich.
b. Tom
DeLay.
*c. Dennis
Hastert.
d. Jim
Wright.
11. The following
House members were all subjects of scandal.
Which one is still a member of the House?
*a. Tom
DeLay
b. Randy
“Duke” Cunningham
c. Jim
Wright
d. Bob Livingston
1. cloture. A motion for cloture is the only way to shut off a Senate filibuster. To be successful, the motion needs a “supermajority” of 60 votes. This has led some to observe that at least on important issues, the Senate is not a majoritarian body because a simple majority cannot stop a filibuster and a filibuster can kill a bill. Therefore, normally some degree of bipartisan support is required for a bill to pass the Senate. (Smith & Gamm, 200-201, Loomis & Schiller, 102-108, lecture)
2. Nancy Pelosi. Nancy Pelosi (-CA) is the minority leader of the House of Representatives. She is the first woman to hold this position and, if the Democrats win a majority soon, she will be the first female speaker. She is considered a member of her party’s liberal bloc, and her selection was somewhat controversial because of this, since she needs to hold together party members across an ideological spectrum. She is known as a tough fighter who is willing to challenge Republicans. (Schickler & Pearson, 213-214)
3. whip. Whips are members of their parties’ leadership in both the House and Senate, ranking just below the majority or minority leader. They head up a “whip system” that consists of deputy whips and numerous others. The main functions of the whip and the whip system are to communicate the wishes of the leaders to the party membership, to collect information on the voting intentions of the members, and to mobilize the members for floor votes, making sure that everyone possible is instructed and votes. (Loomis & Schiller, ch.5, lecture)
4. conditional party government. The phrase “conditional party government” describes a circumstance where the parties in a legislative body are both polarized and highly cohesive. Under these circumstances (and only then), party leaders can exert strong leadership to the point of trying to govern without the cooperation of the minority party. Thus they can seek policies that reflect the average preferences of party members, rather than the average preferences of members of the body as a whole. (Smith & gamm, 182-183, Aldrich & Rohde, 251)
5. Blue Dog Democrats. The Democrats who call themselves “Blue Dogs” are moderate-to-conservative House members. They can be key to cross-party coalitions as they were, for instance, when they allied with Republicans to pass President Reagan’s first budget. Today, however, with Speaker Hastert uninterested in coalitions, the Blue Dogs tend to be loyal members of their party’s caucus. (Schickler & Pearson, 213-220)
6. standing committee. Standing committees are the permanent committees of the House and Senate. Each body has about 20 such committees. They have jurisdiction over particular policy issues, their composition reflects the partisan balance of the body as a whole, and their chairs are chosen by the majority party, which usually respects seniority, though not always. The committees provide division of labor and specialization in the production and transmission of information to the body. The committees further divide and specialize their work when they create subcommittees.(Loomis & Schiller, ch. 8)
II. Short
answer
1. cloture.
A motion for cloture is the only way to shut off a Senate
filibuster. To be successful, the motion
needs a “supermajority” of 60 votes.
This has led some to observe that at least on important issues,
the
Senate is not a majoritarian body because a simple majority cannot stop
a
filibuster and a filibuster can kill a bill.
Therefore, normally some degree of bipartisan support is
required for a
bill to pass the Senate. (Smith &
Gamm,
200-201, Loomis & Schiller, 102-108, lecture)
2. Nancy Pelosi. Nancy Pelosi (-CA) is the minority leader of the House of Representatives. She is the first woman to hold this position and, if the Democrats win a majority soon, she will be the first female speaker. She is considered a member of her party’s liberal bloc, and her selection was somewhat controversial because of this, since she needs to hold together party members across an ideological spectrum. She is known as a tough fighter who is willing to challenge Republicans. (Schickler & Pearson, 213-214)
4. conditional party
government. The phrase “conditional
party government” describes a circumstance where the parties in a
legislative
body are both polarized and highly cohesive.
Under these circumstances (and only then), party leaders can
exert
strong leadership to the point of trying to govern without the
cooperation of
the minority party. Thus they can seek
policies that reflect the average preferences of party members, rather
than the
average preferences of members of the body as a whole. (Smith &
gamm,
182-183, Aldrich & Rohde, 251)
5. Blue
Dog Democrats. The Democrats who call
themselves “Blue Dogs”
are moderate-to-conservative House members.
They can be key to cross-party coalitions as they were, for
instance,
when they allied with Republicans to pass President Reagan’s first
budget. Today, however, with Speaker
Hastert
uninterested in coalitions, the Blue Dogs tend to be loyal members of
their
party’s caucus. (Schickler &
Pearson, 213-220)
6. standing committee.
Standing committees are the permanent
committees of the House and Senate. Each
body has about 20 such committees. They
have jurisdiction over particular policy issues, their composition
reflects the
partisan balance of the body as a whole, and their chairs are chosen by
the
majority party, which usually respects seniority, though not always. The committees provide division of labor and
specialization in the production and transmission of information to the
body. The committees further divide and
specialize their work when they create subcommittees.(Loomis &
Schiller,
ch. 8)
7. reaction
of Appropriations Committee to
1974 “revolution” The “revolution of
1974 consisted of a large influx of young, liberal Democrats elected to
the
House in the wake of Watergate. They
democratized the selection of committee chairs, empowered
subcommittees, and
changed the budget process substantially.
Surprisingly, all of this had relatively little effect on the
moderate,
bipartisan culture that had grown within the committee.
Indeed, the turmoil around the committee may
have driven it to try to be even more cohesive.
The committee continued to have great success in having its
recommendations accepted by the full House. (Gordon, 276-277, lecture)
8. interest
dominance on the agriculture
committees. Members of Congress tend
to seek appointments to committees whose work affects their
constituents. Thus, for instance,
representatives of
districts or states that contain much agriculture will often seek seats
on the
agriculture committee in order to advance or protect their
constituents’
interests, thus enhancing their reelection chances.
The result is that many committees, such as
agriculture, become dominated by representatives of one set of
interests (e.g.,
farmers, food processors) and not others (e.g. consumers).
Interest groups representing those dominant
interests are highly welcome on such committees. (Loomis
& Schiller, 152-3, lecture)
9. conservative
coalition. During the days of the
“textbook Congress”
(late ‘40s to early ‘60s), Democrats almost always controlled both
houses. However, that did not mean that
liberals ran
things, as there were many conservative Democrats, largely from
southern
states, who often voted with the Republicans.
This alliance came to be called the conservative coalition, and
it
dominated Congress thoughout much of the 1950s.
In the House it controlled the Rules Committee, and in both
houses it
benefited from the the southerners’ long seniority.
The turmoil of the late ‘60s and early ‘70s
diminished its strength, and more recently realignment has virtually
eliminated
the old-fashioned “southern Democrats.”
(Loomis & Schiller, 92-93, 156-157, lecture)
Political Science 3314
Spring 2006
Exam #1
I. Multiple
choice. Fill in the letter of the correct
answer on
your answer sheet. For each question
there is only one correct answer. (2
points each)
An asterisk (*) denotes the correct answer.
1. In your text, Rep.
Margaret Margolies-Mezvinsky was featured as an example of a
representative
willing to be a “trustee.” In her case,
the outcome of that was
a. under
pressure from the White House, she resigned.
b. she has
moved into the leadership ranks among House Democrats.
*c. she was
beaten in the next election.
d. she left
the House to run successfully for the Senate.
2. Political
scientists use the “sophomore surge” to measure
*a. the
importance of incumbency in elections.
b. the
power of younger Senators over legislation.
c. the
degree of party discipline in both houses of Congress.
d. the
ability of congressional parties to keep their campaign promises.
3. The Supreme
Court’s decision in Gibbons v. Ogden
enhanced the power of Congress by
a. ruling
that the national government was supreme over the states.
b. limiting
the president’s veto power.
c. refusing
to allow members to be sued while in session.
*d. granting
Congress a broad power to regulate interstate commerce.
4. A “527” is
a. a
particular kind of private bill in Congress.
*b. an
organization that spends money on campaigns.
c. another
name for a quorum call before a vote in the House.
d. a
special-interest amendment to a bill.
5. An important
element of the Carville-Begala campaign finance reform proposal is
a. strong
regulations on lobbyists’ conduct.
b. pay cuts
for members of the House and Senate.
*c. no
limits at all on campaign contributions.
d. term
limits on both Representatives and Senators.
6. Partisan
polarization
a. affects
only the Senate, not the House.
b. reflects
the extreme polarization of the electorate.
c. arises
because neither party has a clear platform.
*d. is
linked to the fact that so many incumbents are safe.
7. In the last few
years, the House has seen an increase in
a. turnover
among Republicans.
*b. the
number of careerists.
c. the
power of the bipartisan “centrist caucus.”
d. members
who declare themselves independents.
8. The “textbook”
Congress flourished during
a. the
latter part of the 19th century.
b. the
earliest years of the Republic.
*c. the
middle of the 20th century.
d. the
years since 1994.
9. The Buckley
v. Valeo decision held that
Congress could not place limits on
*a. spending
on behalf of candidates.
b. hard
money campaign contributions.
c. who may
run for Congress.
d. the
content of political advertisements.
10. An incumbent
Senator’s likelihood of reelection is roughly
a. 90%
*b. 75%
c. 50%
d. 35%
11. A “hold” is
*a.
something a Senator does to prevent consideration of a bill.
b.
something the president does when he wants to kill a bill.
c. how
House members keep bills from leaving committee.
d. a
finding by the courts regarding the meaning of a law.
1. why
public opinion toward Congress tends to
be negative
Sinclair observes that by the mid-1970s, due in part to environmental change (proliferation of media, interest groups, etc.), the Senate had become “individualist.” By that is meant that every Senator now feels entitled to participate on any issue and to become an outside spokesperson on any topic. This results also in Senators exploiting their prerogatives, e.g. to block nominations, place holds on bills, offer amendments from the floor, and filibuster. Individualism, combined with increased partisanship, thus slows the Senate in its work. Cooperation between majority and minority leaders is required to get things done.
The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act was passed in 2002 as an attempt to remedy the failings of FECA, which had become evident in the soft money explosion of the 1990s. The main things it did were to outlaw soft money contributions to parties for national elections, limit issue ads in periods prior to elections, and raise limits on hard money contributions. It did not regulate independent expenditures by outside groups, provide public financing of elections, or reform the Federal Elections Commission. Although it had the effect of increasing hard money contributions, it left a loophole for outside groups, particularly “527s” to spend unlimited money, which they did in 2004 – leading many to conclude that the “hydraulic” effect of money was still functional. The act, generally supported more by Democrats than Republicans, may actually be more helpful to Republicans, since they are better at raising hard money.
Members of Congress live in a world of uncertainties, and are attentive to anyone who can make that world more certain and safe for them. Interest groups can reduce reelection uncertainty by funding campaigns and can reduce uncertainty about constituency opinion to the extent that they represent constituents. They can reduce uncertainty about the legislative process and facilitate passing bills by providing information and helping to bring together coalitions. They can reduce uncertainty about the probable or actual effects of policies by providing expertise and feedback. Thus members come to rely on interest groups and view them as good and necessary.
An earmark is a provision that a legislator adds to a spending bill. It identifies a particular recipient of funds – sometimes a private firm, sometimes a non-profit or government entity – as a political favor. Usually, the beneficiary of such an earmark is the member’s constituent or a significant campaign contributor. Since earmarks don’t pass through the same committee review as regular spending, they may be unnecessary or inefficient as public policy. They also tend to add to the sum total of government spending. Critics view earmarks as a particularly glaring example of the excess influence of interest groups, and some are calling for limiting or eliminating them.
6. Constitutional
model of collective
representation
Madison and the framers of the Constitution were most concerned that the legislative process be one of deliberation, where thoughtful discussion and wisdom would prevail. The bicameral legislature and indirect representation in the Senate were expected to produce such deliberation. This understanding is consistent with a trustee orientation, and reflects a certain distrust of those who would prefer to be delegates. This model is usually contrasted with the adversarial model, which stresses strong parties and responsiveness to public opinion – more like the House than like the Senate.
Oppenheimer argues that incumbent advantage in House elections, as measured, for instance, by “sophomore surge” and “retirement slump,” is less crucial than it was in the 1980s. By incumbent advantage, he means those factors associated with “personal incumbency,” such as name recognition and a record of service to the district. The reason for this, he argues, is that districts have become more heavily partisan, which results in personal incumbency simply being less important because any acceptable candidate from the dominant party would do about as well. Personal incumbency factors tend to matter more in competitive districts.
Interest groups give campaign contributions in hopes that they and their lobbyists will be able to at least gain access to elected representatives. Access simply means that their lobbyists will be heard and understood, not that the representative will always do what they ask. Access, in other words, is not necessarily influence, though under the right circumstances it can become influence (i.e., changing the beliefs or intent of a legislator). Defenders of the interest group community often make the case that legislators’ votes are not “bought,” but only access is “bought” by campaign contributions.
DeLay, a member of the House from